Returning to the research questions
As the writing and documentation on these pages suggest, this project has taken a sinuous series of paths to this stage. It has not been singular, straightforward, or linear in its progress and, with a variety of threads and possibilities in play from the start, it has had to slough off some of those possibilities in favour of others. In the course of this process, the focus and primary research questions have also shifted somewhat. Below, I offer some responses as to what has been discovered through addressing the initial research questions, as well as how the inquiries have moved on, both in form and focus.
Research question 1:
How does live intermedial work relate to and activate place as a ‘constellation of social relations, meeting and weaving together at a particular locus’ (Massey 1994, 154), as a ‘meeting place’, and as ‘process’?
The Salford Samples #3: A ‘Video-Text’
The third and most recent practical outcome of this project is a ‘video-text’, formed of the materials gathered for the two live events (see video above). I have always made these types of ‘text’, formed from video, object, sound, and writing, as referenced on the Live Intermediality page; this particular outcome functions effectively as a by-product and means of recycling the materials used in live events. As the most recent outcome, I have not yet reflected on how this functions in relation to the larger inquiries, but it is part of a trajectory towards working in a variety of intermedial modes, not all of which have to be live events.
This is specifically important, as referenced on the previous page, as I start to open this work out to the local community and learn how it might align with their interests and perspectives. A range of possible forms for the intermedial practice is important to respond to these new ideas and conversations.
Heritage and memory through culture – One of the key threads underpinning the work so far has been to explore cultural artefacts – popular music in particular – as markers and catalysts of heritage, memory, and engagement with a place. Actually, the term heritage is quite a problematic one, in terms of what it carries with it and how it is co-opted for commercial purposes and to present a very particular and often sanitised version of a city’s history. Like Phil Smith, I want to interrogate ‘the monolithic labelling of certain “historic” places by the heritage industry and by agencies of national and municipal identity-making’ (2010, 114). What is at stake in how the heritage of a city is conceived of and practised, is a set of values related to what physically and psychologically is deemed to be worth keeping and remembering and that, conversely, which is not. Some interrogation of these choices in relation to the heritage of Salford has emerged from my research and is part of what it will address about this place, moving forwards.
Place-attachment and the city – An emergent theme and aim is to explore through my own and other residents’ perspectives how place attachment is formed, persists, and perhaps is also worn down in my local area of Salford, Broughton. Place attachment is ‘the bonding of people to places’ (Altman and Low 1992, 2) involving ‘an interplay of affect and emotions, knowledge and beliefs, and behaviors and actions in reference to a place’ (5). If anything has emerged from the research so far, in terms of my interest as a researcher, it is this fundamental affective connection of people and place, specifically in relation to the numerous forces in play within and around the contemporary urban landscape. As indicated above, the practice will now be configured to sit within and in relation to the physical places of Salford in its next iterations, moving into a phase of discourse with my neighbours, the local residents of Broughton, Salford, about this place and how it is being shaped by forces that often are and certainly feel out of our control.
Questions and ideas moving forward
Finally, as intimated above, the inquiries have now shifted productively from those set out at the opening of the exposition. The next stage of the project will be lead by the following questions:
- How can intermedial practices be used to explore the lived environment of Broughton, Salford, specifically its current regeneration and how that affects the ‘place-attachment’ of the residents?
- What is the function of performance and the performer in such an inquiry? How does this relate to the positioning of a researcher who is both ‘embedded’ in the place researched and also an ‘incomer’/‘outsider’ in that place?
- How can mixes between physical and virtual elements, arising from Broughton, be used to activate the current questions and issues of residents, related to their changing lived environment?
These pages have attempted to reveal the processes and strands of a nascent research project, conducted through practice, charting shifts, ideas and discoveries and articulating the movement of the work. As referenced a number of times, this is an ongoing set of inquiries, which, I hope, will be shaped and refined further in the next stage of the research. As I intersect with others’ perspectives of this place, it is beyond doubt that these ‘relations’ will also be part of a new ‘constellation’ of ideas and concerns to be addressed and explored through practice with the aim that we, as residents of Salford, can productively reposition ourselves in relation to the place we inhabit and the forces that change that place.
Shifts in form: ‘video-texts’, mini-exhibits,
and interactive workshops
Since the two performance events documented on the previous page and as indicated in the responses to the initial research questions above, there has been a move towards engaging with slightly different intermedial forms and generating distinct encounters, where a live performance event is not primary to the experience. It has been a deliberate tactic on my part, as referenced above, to remove my physical presence from the work, as well as finding forms of the practice that are accessible to more people, within community contexts. It also aligns with the emergent interest in how to open up my positioning in this place as a resident and community member, who simultaneously is an ‘incomer’ and ‘outsider’. The new forms of intermedial encounter I have created and am planning to employ are outlined here.
Interactive workshops
As a response to the less than successful attempt to prompt ‘social relations’ and discussions through the activation of the intermedial materials in the second event, I am looking at a ‘cleaner’ format for the next stage of this strand. Specifically, I am planning a series of workshops with children in the local community, using intermedial materials as prompts for conversations around and expressions of their relationship with the River Irwell, particularly in the wake of the Boxing Day floods of 2015.
Emergent inquiries and ideas
In addition to the shifting of form or approach represented by the outcomes referenced above, I am also looking to refine the focus of the inquiry, in terms of what the future practice will seek to address. The brief outlines here represent the emergent thematic threads that are of interest, as the project moves forward.
Solastalgia and stasis – In relation to the discourses of regeneration cited to the right, there is also an interesting duality in play in Salford, where ferocious redevelopment and change in the city sits alongside an insistent stasis and lack of movement. I am interested in how these two sides of the city, as a physical and psychological/emotional place, co-exist and intersect. On one hand, Glenn Albrecht’s notion of ‘solastalgia’ is one that I find particularly resonant with some of my experiences of living in a city which is in the throes of a mass of redevelopment, where buildings are thrown up with bewildering speed, altering the space and feel of the place significantly. Solastalgia ‘is the distress that is produced by environmental change impacting on people while they are directly connected to their home environment’ (Albrecht et al. 2007, 95), as opposed to nostalgia, which is experienced when people are separated from and yearn for that home environment. In contrast to this perception of swift change, much of the area that surrounds me remains insistently and sometimes frustratingly static – areas of land earmarked for redevelopment left empty for instance. The play between these two ‘pulls’ in the psychological and emotional as well as physical site of the city is something that has arisen as a thread and theme from the first stage of practical and conceptual research and will continue to inform the inquiries, moving forwards.
A mobile mini-exhibit
As referenced on the previous page, the project is now set to move into a different phase. In this next year or so of making, I am aiming to intersect with local community groups, to share the practice with the residents of Salford, and then, moving forward, to see how they might actively engage with the project. The inquiries have also shifted, in response to the events created and contextual/theoretical research carried out (see section below). I am currently creating a new version of the intermedial materials, which can function as a ‘mini mobile exhibit’, housing the video, audio, and physical materials in a wooden structure, that can be positioned in various local places – the library/community centre, local pub, and cafe for instance. The exhibit will offer a space for individuals to listen, watch, and respond to those materials and will generate an initial encounter with other residents of the area, from which I hope to build a dialogue around the issues cited below and how they relate to our lived experience of Salford.
Regeneration – An interest in and intersection with the regeneration agenda in Salford has arisen from the two live events created (see Salford in the Mix), as well as from my own contextual research. Rob Furbey discusses the specific connotations of ‘regeneration’, as opposed to ‘redevelopment’ as indicating a ‘moral crusade … rescuing not only the economy, but also the soul of the nation’. In addition, he points to the ‘biological metaphor inherent to the term, with run-down areas seen as sores or cancers requiring regeneration activity to heal the body of the city’ (in Jones and Evans 2008, 2). My research – the field work and the practice that has arisen from this – has engaged with these agendas of ‘healing’ and improving, as articulated through local government and commercial developer rhetoric. In response to such rhetoric, this research seeks to explore a different sense of the ‘soul’ of the city, as it is felt and understood by its inhabitants, and which sits in jeopardy, when the notion of insistent and indiscriminate ‘improvement’ of the lived environment comes into play. Moving forwards, I would like the practice to intersect productively with these questions and ambiguities.