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— a walking methodology


Walking is one of the many bodily methodologies which examine intensities and materialities – sensual, affective, rhythmic and temporal experience (Springgay and Truman 2017). Walking as a method affects the relationship between interviewer and interviewee, and thus results in data different from an immobile context (Anderson 2004, Evans and Jones 2011).

In walking methodologies, it is thought that the place and the geographical context inform the interviews. But I think movement affected my interviews more than place. The walking interviews also disrupted self-body situational awareness. They drew attention to language and rationality, away from sensory experience. But then again, of course knowledge is spatialised, and beings in space make place and movement, and place and movement make them. Place and movement made the interaction the way it was. So, when we sat down for interviews at the Defence University, later on, the stillness, the closed space, the bad air, the institutional setting and symbols all around made the interview less rhythmical and much more tense. I wish I had done all the interviews while walking.

The military walking method and my walking method are two different things. Cadets were training, I was researching. It was not aimless walking, but labour walking, and it was not exactly meant to be enjoyable. Walking is not necessarily pleasurable, especially after 20 kilometres and a heavy load on the back. Walking can be exhausting and boring. One cadet told me that he felt the interview made him forget how much pain he was in. Time moved faster. Walking was painful, talking was a pleasure. 

We can think of marching as one of those military practices that increase the soldiers' resilience and endurance as well as promote social cohesion through movement. Benjamin Schrader (2017), an academic and a veteran, explains that life in the military is filled with disciplinary training of the body. The purpose of this disciplining is “to maintain the ability to do the job required of a soldier, which is often to kill but only to kill those whom they are told to kill and when they are told to kill” (19).

Walking is a mundane practice which turns into marching only when other ideas and practices are attached to it. Walking is not marching until it is seen and felt as militaristic. Timed marching is so common in military movement language that it is difficult not to associate the two. 

Military cohesion is about movement training, but it is even more about emotional training. Jesse Crane-Seeber (2016) makes an interesting connection between military service and kink, what he calls kink-informed queer theory of militarization. He (2016, 9) argues that the fetishism of militarism comes from the association of pleasure, admiration and desire with the will to endure suffering. Pleasure is derived from self-mastery, but one under submission. Then bodily movement, suffering and pleasure are all intrinsically entangled.

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